“Democracy is the worst form of government except for all the others that have been tried, “
Winston Churchill famously quipped. But the most damning indictment of democracy,
according to many, is Germany’s supposed democratic election of Adolf Hitler, a cautionary tale
of how voters can willingly choose their own destruction.
The standard narrative is familiar: faced with economic depression and political instability,
German voters turned to Hitler’s extremist party, democratically electing him as their leader and
willingly handing him the keys to power. This story serves as a warning about democracy’s
vulnerabilities and the dangers of populism. It’s referenced in political debates, taught in
classrooms, and repeated in documentaries.
There’s just one critical problem with this narrative: it’s fundamentally false.
Hitler was never elected to lead Germany. The Nazi Party never won a majority in a free
election. And Hitler’s rise to dictatorial power came not through the ballot box, but through
political manipulation, backroom deals, intimidation, and the exploitation of constitutional
loopholes.
This misconception isn’t merely a historical footnote, it represents a profound misunderstanding
of how democracy can fail and how authoritarian regimes actually come to power. The true story
of Hitler’s rise reveals something far more unsettling than voters simply choosing a dictator. It
shows how democracy can be destroyed from within by those who understand its weaknesses
and are determined to exploit them.
The Persistent Myth of Hitler’s Democratic Rise
During my research for this book, I interviewed dozens of educated adults about Hitler’s ascent
to power. The vast majority, including several history teachers, confidently stated that Hitler was
democratically elected as Germany’s leader. Some elaborated, suggesting that his election
represented a failure of the German people, who willingly chose fascism over democracy.
This version of history appears in countless textbooks, news articles, and political
commentaries. A New York Times op-ed from 2018 stated that “German voters elected Hitler, “
while a popular history textbook claims that “Hitler came to power through the democratic
process.” Even college-educated Americans and Europeans overwhelmingly believe that Hitler
was elected in a legitimate democratic vote.
The persistence of this misconception is remarkable given that professional historians have long
known it to be false. The historical record is unambiguous: Hitler was appointed, not elected, to
the position of Chancellor through political maneuvering. He subsequently transformed this
appointment into dictatorial power through intimidation, violence, and manipulation of legal
processes.
As historian Richard J. Evans, author of The Coming of the Third Reich, explains: “Hitler did
not come to power through a majority vote. No matter how many times people repeat this claim,
it remains completely untrue.”
To understand what actually happened, we need to examine the complex series of events that
brought Hitler from the fringes of German politics to absolute power, and why so many people
misunderstand this crucial history.
The Weimar Republic’s Fragile Democracy
The story begins with Germany’s first democratic system, the Weimar Republic, established
after World War I. From its inception, the republic faced enormous challenges:
- The humiliation of Germany’s defeat in World War I
- The harsh terms of the Treaty of Versailles, which imposed massive reparations
- Hyperinflation in the early 1920s that wiped out middle-class savings
- Political instability with frequent changes in government
- Growing polarization between communists and right-wing nationalists
The Weimar Republic’s constitution contained several features that would prove problematic. It
established a system of proportional representation that made it difficult for any single party to
form a majority government. This led to fragmented parliaments and unstable coalition
governments. The constitution also granted the president emergency powers under Article 48,
allowing him to rule by decree in times of crisis, a provision that would later be exploited.
Despite these challenges, Germany’s democracy functioned throughout the 1920s. Various
parties formed coalition governments, and the country even experienced economic recovery
from 1924 to 1929. The Nazi Party remained a fringe group during this period, securing only
2.6% of the vote in the 1928 elections.
The Great Depression, which hit Germany particularly hard after 1929, created the conditions
for political extremism to flourish. Unemployment soared to over 30%, businesses failed, and
the middle class once again faced economic devastation. This crisis atmosphere provided Hitler
with his opportunity, though not in the way most people assume.
Hitler’s Failed Presidential Bid (1932)
Far from sweeping to power in a landslide election, Hitler’s first major attempt at securing
national office ended in defeat. In the spring of 1932, Hitler challenged the incumbent President
Paul von Hindenburg, a respected 84-year-old World War I field marshal who had served as
president since 1925.
The results of this direct election were clear:
- Hindenburg: 53.0% (19.4 million votes)
- Hitler: 36.8% (13.4 million votes)
- Thälmann (Communist): 10.2% (3.7 million votes)
This was a decisive rejection of Hitler by the German electorate. Despite an energetic campaign
and growing support, a clear majority of Germans voted against him when directly asked if they
wanted him as their national leader.
“If Hitler had been truly ‘elected’ to lead Germany, this would have been the election for it, “
explains historian Benjamin Carter Hett. “This was the only time Hitler directly asked the
German people to make him their leader, and they unambiguously said no.”
The Parliamentary Elections: No Nazi Majority
Following Hitler’s presidential defeat, Germany held parliamentary elections in July 1932. The
Nazi Party made substantial gains, winning 37.3% of the vote and 230 seats in the Reichstag
(parliament), making them the largest party, but still far short of a majority in the 608-seat
parliament.
This result reflected the deepening crisis in Germany and growing polarization, but it did not
give Hitler or his party control of the government. In fact, more than 60% of German voters
chose parties other than the Nazis, including Social Democrats, Communists, Catholic Center
Party members, and conservatives.
When no coalition government could be formed, another election was held in November 1932.
Surprisingly, the Nazi party’s support actually declined to 33.1%, losing two million votes and
34 seats. Hitler’s momentum appeared to be stalling, and many political observers believed the
Nazi threat was receding.
Historian Ian Kershaw notes: “In the last free election of the Weimar Republic in November
1932, the Nazis actually lost ground. Far from riding an unstoppable wave of popularity into
office, Hitler appeared to be past his peak. The Nazi party was facing financial problems and
declining morale.”
This electoral decline contradicts the common narrative that Hitler rode an unstoppable wave of
popular support into power. In reality, he never won a majority, and his party’s support was
actually declining just before he became Chancellor.
Appointment, Not Election: January 30, 1933
Hitler’s actual path to power came not through elections but through a political appointment
resulting from backroom negotiations among Germany’s conservative elites.
By January 1933, Germany had experienced years of political deadlock and ineffective
governance. President Hindenburg and his conservative advisers had been ruling through
emergency decrees under Article 48 of the constitution. A series of chancellors had failed to
establish stable government, and the political system appeared increasingly dysfunctional.
Conservative politicians and business leaders saw the communist left as their primary threat.
Some believed they could use Hitler and the Nazi movement to establish a more authoritarian
government while keeping Hitler himself “tamed” by surrounding him with conservative cabinet
ministers.
Franz von Papen, a former Chancellor, was instrumental in convincing Hindenburg to appoint
Hitler as Chancellor, assuring the reluctant president that Hitler could be controlled. “We’ve
hired him, ” von Papen famously declared, believing that conservative forces would constrain
Hitler’s radical impulses.
On January 30, 1933, Hindenburg appointed Hitler as Chancellor, a decision made not by
German voters but by an 85-year-old president and his circle of conservative advisers. In Hitler’s
first cabinet, only three of eleven ministers were Nazis, with von Papen serving as ViceChancellor. The conservatives believed they had contained Hitler by placing him in a carefully
controlled position.
“The conservatives thought they could use Hitler for their own purposes, while keeping him in
check, ” explains historian Doris Bergen. “This was a catastrophic miscalculation based on their
contempt for Hitler’s abilities and their underestimation of his ruthlessness.”
Within this context, the statement “Hitler was elected” fundamentally misrepresents historical
reality. He was appointed Chancellor through political maneuvering, not through a direct
electoral mandate.
From Appointed Chancellor to Dictator
Hitler’s transformation from appointed Chancellor to absolute dictator occurred with stunning
speed. His tactics revealed a shrewd understanding of how to convert limited legal authority into
unlimited power.
The Reichstag Fire and Emergency Decree
Just four weeks after Hitler became Chancellor, on February 27, 1933, the Reichstag building
was set on fire. The Nazi leadership immediately blamed the fire on a communist conspiracy,
although historians continue to debate whether the Nazis themselves orchestrated the arson.
Hitler persuaded President Hindenburg to sign the Reichstag Fire Decree the very next day. This
emergency measure suspended civil liberties, including freedom of the press, freedom of
assembly, and the privacy of communications. It allowed the government to arrest opponents
without specific charges and established the legal basis for the Nazi terror state.
The decree’s official title, “Decree of the Reich President for the Protection of People and State”,
illustrates how the Nazis presented their suppression of rights as necessary for security. Using
this decree, the regime arrested thousands of communist and socialist leaders, effectively
removing Hitler’s most organized opposition.
The March 1933 Election: Intimidation and Coercion
With emergency powers in hand and opponents being arrested, Hitler called for new elections
on March 5, 1933. This was not a free and fair election by any democratic standard. The Nazi
Party controlled the state radio, banned opposition newspapers, and used both police power and
SA (Storm Trooper) terror to intimidate voters.
Despite this massive campaign of intimidation and propaganda, the Nazi Party still failed to win
a majority, securing 43.9% of the vote. Even with their nationalist coalition partners, the
DNVP, they achieved only 51.9%, a bare majority obtained under conditions of terror and
censorship.
As historian Richard Evans notes: “Violence, repression, and propaganda accompanied the
March 1933 election campaign at every point. It was not a fair or free election by any means.
And even then, the Nazis failed to win a majority of votes.”
The Enabling Act: Democracy’s Death Warrant
On March 23, 1933, the newly elected Reichstag gathered to vote on the Enabling Act,
formally called the “Law to Remedy the Distress of People and Reich.” This legislation would
give Hitler the power to enact laws without involving parliament or the president, effectively
establishing his dictatorship through seemingly legal means.
The Enabling Act required a two-thirds majority to pass. To ensure this outcome, Hitler took
several decisive steps:
- All 81 Communist deputies were prevented from taking their seats, either through arrest
or forcing them into hiding. - The Nazi SA surrounded the Kroll Opera House where the vote took place, creating an
atmosphere of intimidation. - Hitler promised the Catholic Center Party that he would respect the rights of the Catholic
Church if they supported the bill.
Through these tactics of exclusion, intimidation, and deception, the Enabling Act passed by a
vote of 444 to 94, with only the Social Democrats voting against it. The remaining democratic
parties capitulated to Hitler’s pressure, effectively voting democracy out of existence.
With the Enabling Act in place, Hitler no longer needed to consult parliament. He could rule by
decree, effectively becoming a legal dictator. Within months, all other political parties were
banned, independent labor unions were dissolved, and Germany became a one-party state.
“The Enabling Act was the death certificate of the Weimar Republic, ” explains constitutional
historian Michael Stolleis. “What makes it particularly insidious is that dictatorship was
established through seemingly constitutional means.”
Why Do People Believe Hitler Was Elected?
Given these historical facts, why does the myth of Hitler’s democratic election persist so
stubbornly? Several factors contribute to this misconception:
Simplification of Complex History
Historical events are often simplified as they’re transmitted through education, media, and
popular culture. The complex series of political maneuvers, appointments, and manipulations
that brought Hitler to power doesn’t fit neatly into a simple narrative. Saying “Hitler was elected”
is easier than explaining the intricate reality.
“We have a tendency to compress complicated historical processes into simple, digestible
stories, ” notes historian Timothy Snyder. “The idea that ‘Germans elected Hitler’ provides a
cleaner narrative than the messy reality of backroom deals, miscalculations by conservative
elites, and the exploitation of constitutional loopholes.”
Confusion About Parliamentary Systems
Many people, especially those from countries with presidential systems like the United States,
don’t fully understand how parliamentary systems work. In parliamentary democracies, voters
elect parties to parliament, and the leader of the party that can form a government typically
becomes prime minister or chancellor.
This creates confusion about what it means to be “elected” as leader. The Nazi Party’s status as
the largest party (though never with a majority) leads many to conclude incorrectly that Hitler
was democratically chosen as Germany’s leader.
Misinterpretation of Nazi Electoral Success
The Nazi Party’s electoral gains, reaching 37.3% in July 1932 and 43.9% in March 1933, are
often misremembered as majorities. In reality, most Germans never voted for the Nazis, even at
the height of the party’s popularity.
As I discovered during interviews for this book, many people incorrectly believe that the Nazis
won 90% or more of the vote in free elections. This dramatic overestimation reinforces the false
narrative that the German people overwhelmingly chose Hitler as their leader.
The Appeal of Moral Cautionary Tales
The story of a nation democratically choosing a dictator serves as a powerful warning about
democracy’s fragility and the dangers of populism. This cautionary narrative is often employed
in political discussions, with the implication that voters must be vigilant to avoid “another
Hitler.”
While democracy certainly requires vigilance, this particular cautionary tale is based on a
historical falsehood. Hitler’s rise demonstrates different lessons, about the dangers of political
elites believing they can control extremists, the importance of constitutional safeguards, and
how quickly emergency powers can be abused.
Why This Misconception Matters
The belief that Hitler was democratically elected isn’t merely a harmless historical error, it
fundamentally distorts our understanding of how democracies can fail and how dictatorships
emerge.
It Misidentifies the Vulnerability in Democracy
When we believe Hitler was elected, we focus primarily on voters making bad choices as
democracy’s greatest vulnerability. This perspective suggests that as long as voters make “good”
choices, democracy is safe.
The actual history reveals a different vulnerability: how antidemocratic actors can exploit legal
and constitutional mechanisms to destroy democracy from within. Hitler used his appointed
position, emergency powers, intimidation, and legislative manipulation to dismantle
democratic institutions while maintaining a veneer of legality.
“Hitler didn’t destroy democracy through a direct assault, ” notes political scientist Daniel
Ziblatt, co-author of How Democracies Die. “He used the democratic system’s own mechanisms
against it, finding the pressure points where formally legal actions could produce antidemocratic
outcomes.”
This lesson is far more relevant to contemporary concerns about democratic backsliding around
the world, where would-be authoritarians often use formally legal means to concentrate power
and undermine democratic institutions.
It Misplaces Historical Responsibility
The myth that “Germans elected Hitler” places the primary blame for Nazism on ordinary voters,
suggesting a fundamental moral failure of the German electorate.
The historical record suggests a more complex distribution of responsibility. While the Nazi
Party did gain substantial popular support, Hitler’s path to power relied crucially on decisions
made by political elites, particularly conservatives who believed they could control him while
using his popularity for their own ends.
President Hindenburg, Franz von Papen, and other conservative leaders who facilitated Hitler’s
appointment bear particular responsibility for this catastrophic misjudgment. Their belief that
Hitler could be “tamed” represents one of history’s most deadly political miscalculations.
“The conservative elites who brought Hitler to power weren’t Nazi ideologues themselves, “
explains historian Henry Ashby Turner. “They were traditional conservatives who thought they
could use Hitler’s popularity while constraining his extremism. This proved to be a fatal
delusion.”
This aspect of Hitler’s rise carries important warnings about political elites who believe they can
control or normalize extremist forces for their own purposes.
It Obscures the Speed of Democratic Collapse
Perhaps most importantly, the myth of Hitler’s election obscures how quickly democracy can
collapse when its institutions and norms are undermined from within.
The timeline is sobering:
- January 30, 1933: Hitler appointed Chancellor
- February 28, 1933: Civil liberties suspended after Reichstag Fire
- March 23, 1933: Enabling Act establishes dictatorship
- July 14, 1933: All parties except the Nazi Party banned
In less than six months, Germany transformed from a functioning democracy to a one-party
dictatorship. This rapid collapse occurred not primarily through electoral means but through the
systematic exploitation of emergency powers, intimidation, and constitutional loopholes.
“What’s truly frightening about the Nazi seizure of power is its speed, ” notes constitutional
scholar Kim Lane Scheppele. “Once key democratic safeguards were removed, the entire system
collapsed with breathtaking rapidity.”
This lesson about democracy’s fragility, that it can be dismantled with terrifying speed when its
institutional protections are compromised, is obscured when we focus incorrectly on a supposed
democratic election of Hitler.
Learning the Right Lessons from History
Understanding the actual process of Hitler’s rise to power provides more relevant and urgent
lessons for protecting democracy than the misconception that he was elected:
- Constitutional Design Matters
The Weimar Republic’s constitution contained critical weaknesses, particularly Article 48’s
emergency powers provisions, which Hitler exploited to devastating effect. Modern democracies
must carefully design constitutional constraints on emergency powers to prevent their abuse. - Political Gatekeeping Is Essential
Conservative German elites failed in their responsibility to keep extremists from gaining power.
Democratic systems depend on political parties and leaders refusing to empower antidemocratic
forces, even when short-term political advantage might tempt them to do so. - Moments of Crisis Create Vulnerability
Hitler’s opportunity came during the Great Depression, when economic desperation made
radical solutions seem appealing. Democracies are particularly vulnerable during economic and
social crises, requiring special vigilance during such periods. - Legal ≠ Democratic
Many of Hitler’s most destructive actions had a veneer of legality. The Enabling Act was passed
by parliament, and many Nazi policies were implemented through formally legal means. This
demonstrates that following procedural rules doesn’t guarantee democratic outcomes if the
substance of those actions undermines democratic principles. - Democracy Requires Active Defense
Perhaps the most important lesson is that democracy cannot protect itself automatically. It
requires constant vigilance and active defense from citizens, institutions, and political leaders
who recognize threats to democratic systems and norms.
“Democracy doesn’t die because people vote for its opponents, ” concludes political scientist
Steven Levitsky. “It dies because democratic institutions are actively undermined from within,
often by leaders who were never elected by a majority but who managed to gain power through
other means.”
Key Insights from Chapter 8
- Hitler was never directly elected as Germany’s leader, he was appointed Chancellor
through a political deal negotiated by conservative elites. - The Nazi Party never won a majority in any free election. Their highest vote share was
37.3% in July 1932, and their support was actually declining to 33.1% by November
1932. - Hitler ran for President in 1932 and was decisively defeated by Hindenburg, who won
53% of the vote compared to Hitler’s 36.8%. - Once appointed as Chancellor, Hitler quickly exploited the Reichstag Fire to secure
emergency powers, suspending civil liberties and arresting political opponents. - The March 1933 election was conducted under conditions of intimidation and censorship,
yet the Nazis still secured only 43.9% of the vote. - Hitler established his dictatorship through the Enabling Act, which passed because
communist deputies were prevented from voting and other parties were intimidated or
deceived. - The common belief that Hitler was democratically elected misidentifies the actual
vulnerabilities that allowed fascism to triumph in Germany. - This misconception matters because it obscures important lessons about how democracies
can be undermined from within through seemingly legal mechanisms.
In our next chapter, we’ll explore another persistent historical myth, the idea that Marie
Antoinette dismissively told starving French peasants to “let them eat cake.” Like the
misconception about Hitler’s rise to power, this widely repeated “historical fact” says more
about how we construct narratives about the past than about what actually happened.